Ramy Elgaml: a reflection on the failure of the system-Italy

Insight by Sagia Hammoud, intercultural mediator, and Youssef Siher, researcher

On the night of Nov. 24-25, 2024, two carabinieri kill Ramy Elgaml, 19, in Milan’s Corvetto neighborhood at the end of a senseless chase. Ramy and Fares Bouzidi are chased by a carabinieri gazelle for 8 kilometers and then rammed by it. From the carabinieri's cameras, published by Tg3, the voices of some carabinieri can be heard: “Fuck, he didn’t fall!”, “Come on, close it!”, “Shit he didn’t fall this time either”, “They fell! ... Good!” Ramy dies on the spot, Fares ends up in a coma.

The Ramy and Fares affair, from its earliest developments, has been the subject of a double-track, but equally dangerous, instrumentalization that represents the failure of the system-Italy to deal with an issue that touches a fundamental, but always marginalized, part of society. On the one hand, in line with what was at least predictable, some have tried to use the episode to endorse a discriminatory and racist narrative, casting fire on social divisions based on ethnicity, religion and class. On the other hand, however, the episode has also been used by those who claim to be loyal to social conflict as a lever toward change, without explicating a clear and concrete vision that questions the structural causes of existing social tensions. This approach runs the risk of resulting in a clash as an end in itself, which does not address the deep roots of inequalities and social fractures, thus limiting itself to expressing discontent–often in the name of third parties–without offering an effective proposal for a solution.

What emerges from this double instrumentalization, albeit on different levels, is the risk that the affair will be reduced to an isolated and personalistic episode, lacking a broader context that explains the origins and implications of a fact that is not an anomalous or unusual case in Italy. The Italian social issue, in fact, is much more complex and deep-rooted, and cannot be addressed through the simple game of polarizing narratives, in which multiple factions attempt to appropriate the monopoly of the affair, at the expense of the pain of those who have lost a son, a brother, a friend. Therefore, to prevent the issue from turning into a mess for its own sake, it is crucial to analyze the structural problems that are its driving force, including the economic and social divide between the hegemonic and subaltern classes, the neglect of the suburbs, systemic racism, racial profiling, and the use of force by law enforcement. Only with an approach that encompasses these broader dynamics will it be possible to find effective solutions that go beyond a momentary reaction but aim for a deep and lasting transformation of society.

Therefore, it is important to contextualize Ramy’s death in a broader picture: that of a system-Italy in which the securitarian, political, cultural, and media apparatuses turn out to be steeped in racism and discrimination. Ramy’s killing by the state represents the tip of an iceberg whose roots lie not only in the repressive management of the suburbs, but also in the dominant narrative conveyed by politics, the media and large sectors of civil society, in a general context permeated by intolerance toward the “other”. The suburbs of cities have been transformed into places of confinement and control, where the presence of racialized minorities is systematically criminalized. Law enforcement agencies are configured as instruments of oppression, contributing to violence and social marginalization. The national media, increasingly focused on ideological propaganda and conflicting opinions, have lost their fundamental role of documenting facts and restoring voice to those relegated to invisibility. In parallel, the parliamentary political class instrumentalizes social events and issues solely for electoral purposes, neglecting the need to address structural inequalities that fuel discrimination and conflict.

The example of France and the social dynamic of division

Too many times we have witnessed the association between the Italian suburbs and the French banlieues, at the slightest hint of protest and social anger. Although the Italian context pushes in the direction of segregation and marginalization of its poor and foreign citizens–an exclusion not only on a racial basis, but intertwined with class inequalities and power dynamics, just as in the 1970s, in Corvetto itself, “the other” was the southerner, like the migrant–it has its own specificities compared to the French context. The cités, in fact, represent “satellite neighborhoods,” desired and built since the post-World War II period in accordance with the plan to dismantle the slums and aimed at accommodating large numbers of poor workers and migrants, especially from former colonies, through targeted infrastructure policies. Italy’s suburbs, on the other hand, are extensions of cities, representing a framework of them but not separate, impassable physical entities. It is also important to consider that Italy is an extremely young country in terms of migration, and the demographic composition of the foreign component still emphasizes a diffuse pattern, different from the concentrated and assimilationist French model.

One would therefore have to wonder, despite the differences, what are the links between the French and Italian contexts, given that the issue of suburbs is not merely spatial. Looking at the case of Nahel Merzouk’s death in France, troubling similarities with Ramy’s case emerge. The case of Nahel, who was killed by police on June 27, 2023 under circumstances that sparked violent protests, has only amplified social and political divisions without leading to concrete attempts at change. In a climate of growing anger and frustration–a natural response to poor urban policies, restrictive migration policies, inadequate management of social policies, lack of investment, and a progressive increase in economic and social inequality–the demand for justice has clashed with a political class that has exploited the conflict to fuel further divisions, without ever really addressing the structural causes of the malaise.

In Italy, the dynamic seems to be repeating itself, with our own politics failing to distinguish itself from those beyond the Alps in being unable to address the issue constructively. This is because the nation-state, on which contemporary societies are founded, is nothing more than an instrument that consolidates social hierarchies and inequalities functional to capital. An apparatus that, by its very constitution, responds to the drive for profit by determining a specific mechanism for the placement, and thus exclusion, of those deemed least suited to serve the race for capital. Through laws and borders, the state nurtures fears and exclusionary identities, preserving the order necessary for the domination of capital. Its inability to resolve social issues is thus not accidental; on the contrary. It is an integral part of a system that relies on inequality and discrimination.

The Italian securitarian system, like the French one, is in fact deeply marked by an approach that criminalizes poverty and marginality, especially toward racialized communities. The police are thus called upon to manage the suburbs as “conflict zones,” in the wake of a structural racism, typical of the nation-state, which manifests itself in discriminatory and violent treatment of those who are already marginalized by society:the suburbs are thus experienced as an “other” by the hegemonic power, an “other” that must be disciplined and controlled. Both systems, the Italian and the French, thus prove incapable of coming to terms with the root causes of social inequalities within themselves, which find expression in the issues of the periphery, but concern the entire social and economic structure of the two countries, that is, the nation-state at the service of capital.

The role of the political class: instrumentalization and growing conflicts

The securitarian and punitive approach that has characterized the Italian policies of every executive over the past 25 years has had a profound and lasting impact on the country’s social and cultural dynamics. Beginning with the Bossi-Fini law of 2002, up to the Integration Agreement of 2009 and the “Security Decree” (DL 113/2018), these policies have contributed to a climate of mistrust towards racialized communities. The regulations, often justified in the name of national security, have actually fueled discriminatory rhetoric, resulting in increasing stigmatization of communities, which have faced not only economic and social hardship, but also a hostile and discriminatory environment. Against this enforcement backdrop, it was easy for the political class to push for increasingly harsh measures in response to Ramy’s death.

Thus, the Italian political class has once again demonstrated that it does not know how to handle social and political issues related to minorities. Instead of promoting dialogue and a solution, many political figures are exploiting social tensions to advance their own political agenda. We see this especially with the Meloni government, which is exploiting street events to accelerate the approval of the Security DDL (former DDL 1660) precisely in response to street demonstrations, as well as with the implementation of so-called “red zones” in several Italian cities–a measure that also touches the Corvetto neighborhood–and the expansion of the application of urban DASPOs (also against those who demonstrate dissent), i.e., preventive measures that prohibit a person, at the discretion of the mayor or prefect, from entering certain public places (or a city) for a certain period of time, which can be up to 2 years.

“I always side with law enforcement,” was the comment of League MEP and former general Roberto Vannacci after seeing the video of the chase made public on Jan. 8. Democratic Party regional councilwoman Carmela Rozza, on the other hand, took the lead with a speech in the square right in Corvetto during one of the first garrisons for Ramy in order to get boorish publicity and, as some of those present challenged her, “campaign” for her party. All without giving any kind of analysis of the issue or a solution to it, instead using the media stage to bestow the usual patronizing welfarism.

The death of a young man belonging to a racial minority has thus revealed the inability of politics to respond to a legitimate demand for justice and equality by privileging repression and control on the one hand, and demagoguery laden with empty promises on the other. The result is a polarization of public opinion in which those who oppose the system, with the prospect of real change in the status quo, are labeled as an “enemy to be fought,” while the demand for justice and truth is instrumentalized, by both sides of the political spectrum, for electoral purposes.

The responsibility of civil society: beyond protection, a structural change

Ramy’s affair sparked a wide debate in public opinion, generating a sharp division between those who wanted to portray him as a “delinquent” by eviscerating hypothetical criminal records, the discovery of a weapon, drugs, 2,000 euros in cash and a gold necklace on board his scooter, and those who wanted to portray him as a “golden boy,” the son of North African parents well integrated into Italian society, with a strong spirit of sacrifice and a constant commitment to work. However, it is inevitable to distance oneself from both narratives and to see in Ramy’s story, beyond his person and background, much broader and more complex issues. Ramy, like many other racialized youths, had reason to fear police scrutiny: in a context where abuses of power by law enforcement are not uncommon and racial profiling is a sadly documented reality, the fear of being stopped, searched and even abused, not for what one has committed but for who one is, is a daily experience for many people.

It is also crucial to highlight that the debate on these issues should not be confined to the mere defense of the weakest. Political and social realities that are committed to the fight against racism and inequality should not fall into the trap of a politics that feeds on division. Reflection on civil society’s treatment of racialized communities must be shaped and articulated in a deep critique of power dynamics and structures. The notion of “saving” racialized communities is inherently paternalistic and rooted in a colonial logic whereby “other” peoples are incapable of governing their own destinies. This view continues to fuel a narrative that reduces racialized communities to objects to be intervened upon and assisted, rather than recognizing their role as active agents of change.

It is not, therefore, about “saving” anyone, but about valuing the resistance, knowledge and practices that racialized communities have developed and carried on despite multiple forms of oppression. Those who take up the struggle against racism and for rights must recognize and question their own privilege, realizing that the struggle cannot be for the good of anyone, but a struggle for the common good, thus for the right to housing, education, public services; a collective struggle in which all people recognize their responsibilities and strive together to build a just and cohesive society that does not re-propose and reiterate logics of exclusion and violence.

Ramy Elgaml’s case forces us to confront a system that has been unable and unwilling to address its internal contradictions. The challenge, therefore, is twofold: on the one hand, there is a need for a radical rethinking of our security system, which can no longer be based on violence and impunity, but must be based on justice, transparency and respect for human rights. On the other hand, it is necessary for civil society and politics to take a step back, stop instrumentalizing suffering and work together to build a future of equality and justice. The risk is that, as in France, outrage will turn into endless divisions, while the real issues remain unresolved. The case of Ramy Elgaml is not an exception, but yet another foretold tragedy that casts a merciless light on a system-Italy incapable of guaranteeing dignity to the subordinate. It is our moral and political imperative to turn this collective shame into a turning point: let Ramy’s death be the last.